‫‪The Serabit el-Khadim Inscriptions‬‬
‫‪Formulaic Approach‬‬

‫نقو�ش �سرابيط اخلادم‪ :‬درا�سة يف ال�صيغ الن�صية‬
‫‪Ahmed Mansour‬‬

‫ملخ�ص‪:‬‬
‫يمتاز معبد حتحور على ه�ضبة �سرابيط الخادم بجنوب �سيناء بمجموعة فريدة من الن�صو�ص الهيروغليفية التي تعود �إلى‬
‫فترة الدولة القديمة‪ ،‬والدولة الو�سطى‪ ،‬والدولة الحديثة‪ .‬وقد ُ�س ِّج َلت هذه الن�صو�ص على لوحات حجرية تقف منفردة‪،‬‬
‫�أو على جدران المعبد‪ ،‬والذي لم يتبق منه الكثير‪ .‬ولما كانت الم�ساحة المخ�ص�صة لتدوين الن�صو�ص غير كافية بما ي�سمح‬
‫المتعارف عليها في معابد الآلهة‪ .‬لج�أ الم�صري‬
‫بتدوين كافة تفا�صيل البعثات التعدينية‪� ،‬إلى جانب ت�سجيل النقو�ش الدينية‬
‫َ‬
‫والمتعارف عليها في مثل هذا النوع من المعابد الإلهية في مناطق‬
‫القديم في تدوين ن�صو�صه �إلى ا�ستخدام ال�صيغ المهمة‪،‬‬
‫َ‬
‫التعدين‪ُ .‬ت َع ِّدد هذه الورقة البحثية �أهم ال�صيغ الن�صية التي �أوردها الكاتب الم�صري القديم في نقو�ش �سرابيط الخادم‪ ،‬و�أهمية‬
‫ورود تلك ال�صيغ على لوحات المعبد �أو جدرانه‪ ،‬بالإ�ضافة �إلى درا�سة تحليلية‪ .‬كذلك ي�شير البحث �إلى �أهمية حتحور كربة‬
‫أخيرا ينتهي البحث بمجموعة من النتائج‬
‫للفيروز من خالل تكرار ا�سمها في كل الن�صو�ص التي وردت خالل هذا البحث‪ً � .‬‬
‫المفيدة للباحثين‪.‬‬

‫‪Abgadiyat 2011‬‬

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The Serabit el-Khadim Inscriptions

The earliest settlements in ancient Egypt prove
predynastic mining activities in different parts of
Egypt: the Western Desert, Eastern Desert (the
most exploited) Nubia, and Sinai, providing the raw
materials that were necessary for the development of
the ancient Egyptian society1. In addition, during the
Protodynastic Period, the metallurgy was developed
in ancient Egypt, in parallel with unification of
Upper and Lower Egypt. The ancient Egyptians
were able to practice the art of metallurgy, since they
were competent in separating metals from their ores,
and preparing them for use by smelting or refining.
The texts reveal an ancient Egyptian knowledge of
stones and gems, or indicate the exact location of
quarries and mines. For example, the tombs of the
First and Second Dynasties attest this ability, which
could explain ; the superiority and lead of the ancient
Egyptians over the other Near East peoples, such as
the Sumerians and their successors.2
In Ancient Egypt, one of the writing functions
was to inscribe on monuments in order to provide the
name of the owner of this monument, or to specify
the subject represented (dedication, praising, offering,
etc). When applied these functions on Serabit elKhadim inscriptions, it is probable to divide the
inscriptions into three main classes:
1- Mine inscriptions which are inscribed on rock, at
or near the entrance to mines. These inscriptions
are commemorative inscriptions.
2- Inscriptions on the temple fabric, which are the
votive or devotional inscriptions.
3- Inscriptions inscribed on free-standing stelae,
which are divided into two types:
a)

Commemorative stelae.

b) Votive stelae.
The stelae were erected as tombstone and as
boundary markers. Moreover, they served as votive

Issue No.6

and commemorative monuments.3 Therefore, the
function of the stela determined the place where it
should be erected. In temples and sanctuaries, it
was erected inside it by individuals to worship the
gods, besides commemorating special events, such as
successful expeditions to the mines and quarries, or a
new gallery opening, etc.
The commemorative stelae were set up in
temples by kings, noblemen or high ranked officials
to bear witness to successful military campaign, or
mining expedition, royal building activities, dynastic
marriages, and other officials’ events. Therefore, the
stela was the most suitable monument to be erected
in Hathor temple, and special types of texts were
composed. Thus, the inscriptions on the Hathor
stelae tend to be brief and formulaic.4
The inscriptions of Serabit el-Khadim include
about 26 inscriptions from the Old Kingdom, about
106 inscriptions from the Middle Kingdom, and 85
inscriptions from the New Kingdom. This large number
of inscriptions was formulated in the traditional form
with some variations. For example, the texts consisted
in formulaic epithets extolling the expeditions’ leader
capabilities with a narrative of his achievements. In
the meantime, the irregularity of Serabit el-Khadim
inscriptions lies in the extent to which the personal
names of officials have been allowed to appear in these
inscriptions, consequently, the expedition leaders felt
supreme in Sinai, beside the use of common formulas
in composing Serabit el-Khadim inscriptions. In this
paper I will shed light on the most frequent formulas
used in composing Serabit el-Khadim inscriptions.

1. The formula
@tp di nsw ‘An
offering that the king gives’
Given the importance of the offering formula, it
is not surprising to see it on the monuments dedicated
to different divinities in Serabit el-Khadim plateau.
Taking into consideration that Hathor temple at

43

Ahmed Mansour

Serabit el-Khadim is a divine temple rather than a
funerary temple.
a) Composition
Generally,
the
offering
formula
demonstrates the wishes expressed in the
prayer. It begins with the sentence
Htp di nsw ‘An offering that the king gives’.
The offerings given by the king, and that are
mentioned in the formula, are mostly food
offerings, such as bread, beer, birds, oxen, etc.
I will shed light on one element of this
formula, which is ‘the king’. The fact that
the king gives the offering, reflects the vital
role that he played in the ancient Egyptian
liturgy, as he was regarded as the source of
all goods in ancient Egypt. In addition, the
source of the offering endowed to the owner
was always understood to be the ‘reversion
of offerings’ (that means the divine offerings
were distributed to the temple employees, after
the gods had spiritually satisfied themselves.
Usually, the Htp di nsw was translated 'An
offering that the king gives (to) god X, that he
(god X) may give invocation offerings.
According to Detlef Franke, the god’s name
never became part of the king’s formula,5 so
Htp di nsw should be translated
the
‘An offering which that king has given god X’.6
On the other hand, the 'invocation offerings'
were guaranteed to the owner upon reciting the
formula. There are different categories of offerings
requested by the owner. The first category deals
with wishes for a prosperous career during the
owner’s life. The second group consists of requests
for a successful transitional period between life
and death. The third group concerns a happy
sojourn in the afterlife.7

44

b) The offering list
The Serabit el-Khadim inscriptions include
the different requests asked by the owner or
the dedicator of the stela. In IS233, IS234,
IS235, IS243, and IS424, we find following
the traditional Htp di nsw formula, some moral
requests such as praise, love, and alertness to (X),
as in IS233 and IS235, or ‘life benefits’ such as
life, prosperity, health, praise, and love, as in
IS234.8 On the other hand, the same requests are
mentioned in IS243 and IS424 without being
preceded by the Htp di nsw formula.9
Probably there are two reasons to ask such
requests. The first, it is known that the mining
expeditions sent to Serabit el-Khadim were
stopped during the Second Intermediate Period
that covers 100 years. After this long period of
interruption, and given that the miners were
concerned of getting lost in this area, or not to be
able to extract the turquoise and keep it new and
safe; it is convincing to notice the miners, asking
Hathor, life, prosperity, health, praise, and love.
The second reason concerns the dangerous nature
of the tasks overtaken by the ancient Egyptian
miners. The expedition should traverse the Eastern
Desert, and then it should cross the Red Sea.
Mahfouz states that: 'the ancient Egyptian miners
used Wadi Gawasis on the shore the Red Sea as a
disembarkation point to reach Serabit el-Khadim
mines',10 in order to reach turquoise mines in
Serabit el-Khadim. This long distance and dangers
that the ancient Egyptian miners could face
inspired them to pray to Hathor for a safe return
to their homeland, or for life, prosperity, and
health after a long journey. It is highly accepted
to ask Hathor these moral requests, as she is the
goddess of deserts; moreover, a temple was built to
venerate her on Serabit el-Khadim plateau.

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The Serabit el-Khadim Inscriptions

c) The designation of the recipient
The Htp di nsw formula is an offering formula
that was recited in order to safeguard against the
cessation of substances within the tomb of the
deceased, and to ensure a continual supply of food
after death. In Serabit el-Khadim inscriptions, the
situation is different. The owners, who dedicated
the stelae to Hathor, existed during the time of
dedication. In addition, the stelae, on which the
Htp di nsw formula was inscribed, were not erected
within a tomb, but erected inside Hathor temple,
which is a divine temple and not a funerary one.
Moreover, the ancient Egyptian scribe used the
same protocol to designate the recipient as a
deceased, a fact that could be proved by the phrase
n kA n. Bennett states that: ‘In fact, in the Eleventh
Dynasty and usually in the reign of Senusert I the
,
, etc. ‘honored one’.
deceased is designated
is placed in
By the time of Amenemhat II
‘the spirit of the honored
front making it
one’. Finally, during the reign of Senusert III,
the older designation drops out leaving
‘The spirit of ’.)11 (IS401, IS230, IS121, IS122
EF, IS103 WF, IS156). However, this need not
imply a funerary prayer because it occurs in other
inscriptions which request 'life benefits'.12 In my
opinion, the miners seized the opportunity, and
dedicated a stela with the same offering formulas
in order to receive the benefit after death, even if
this stela was erected in a divine temple. Worth
mentioning that some inscriptions did not include
the n kA n, as in IS93 (W face), IS112 (N and
S Edge), IS122 (offering table), IS166, IS230,
IS233, and IS308. The formula was as follows:
‘An offering which the king gives to God X, that
he may give an offering to the X (owner titles)’.
Although the owners were ascribed by ‘mAa xrw’,
they were, in fact, alive during erection of these
stelae. This same formula was cited on the Middle

Issue No.6

Kingdom commemorative stelae in order not to be
neglected by the divinities after death.
d) The writing of Htp di nsw formula
There are two common horizontal writings of
Htp di nsw formula:13
a)

or
word in the group.
, with

b)

, with

as the third

as the second word in the

group.
In Serabit el-Khadim inscriptions the Htp di nsw
formula appeared in the two writing forms:
•

The writing (a) appeared, for example, in
IS84, IS93, IS94 (fragment c), IS103, IS112
(N Edge), IS114, IS118, IS121, IS122
(offering table), IS122 (EF), IS166, and
IS408.

•

The writing (b) appeared, for example, in
IS235, IS401, IS421 and IS423.

However, there are some instances where the
Htp di nsw formula was written without the verb
di. IS96 and IS93 (S Edge) did not contain the
verb di among the traditional elements of Htp di
nsw formula, albeit the space was available for
the scribe to write it. If it were written, the form
should pertain to the type (a).
One final note concerning the writing of Htp
di nsw formula, Smither mentioned that ‘the
of the Htp di nsw formula was
writing (b)
introduced into horizontal inscriptions during
the Second Intermediate Period, and probably
towards the end of that period, as no certain
examples as early as the Thirteenth Dynasty have
yet come to light’.14 Contrary, the writing (b) had
appeared in IS421, which is dated to the Middle
Kingdom.15 Using the same criteria as Smither,

45

Ahmed Mansour

that the formula appeared with the
as the
16
second word in the group, According to Vernus,
the general use of writing (b) in the Late Middle
Kingdom is an indirect result of that political
situation of that period. Therefore, it is probable
to consider the beginning of Second Intermediate
Period as a starting date to use the writing (b).17
In addition to the use of di.f prt-xrw according
to Bennett criteria,18 which means a change in
the grammatical structure of the formula, such
inscription dates to the Twelfth Dynasty.
f) The Divine name
There was more than one divinity sharing
the honor of giving the offerings to the recipient.
Hathor was the predominant divinity, for the
well-known reasons. Moreover, Ptah, PtahSokar, Osiris, Sopedu, Anubis, and Setekh were
venerated and mentioned in Serabit el-Khadim
inscriptions.

2. The formula
dit iAw n @wt-Hr Hnwt mfkAt nbt pt Hnwt tAwy [n kA n]
‘Offering praises and prayers for Hathor, mistress
of turquoise, mistress of sky, [for the kA of ]’
This formula appeared in IS114, IS136, IS247,
IS250, IS259, and IS303. It is interpreted as ‘Offering
praises and prayers for the kA of ’. This formula
appeared in the Old Kingdom to venerate the king,
and it was still used during the Middle Kingdom.
Writing
During the Old Kingdom and Middle
,
,
Kingdom, it was written
. In the New Kingdom, it was written
.
The formula has one determinative that appeared
in two forms:

46

•

A man with arms out-stretched, which appeared
in the New Kingdom. A31C

•

A seated man with his arm raised, which appeared
in the Middle Kingdom. (A4A)

ir.n.f m
3. The dedication formula
mnw.f [n it.f] ‘what he made as his monument
for his [father]’
It appears with frequency on Egyptian
monuments. The formula is frequently translated
‘what he made as his monument for his (father)’19 or ‘he
made it as his monument for god X, making for him
a ….’, then it is followed by the name of the object,
or building, or sometimes the deeds that the king
performed.20 However, Castle interpreted it: ‘the king
of Upper and Lower Egypt N: it is his monument that
he made for his father, the making for him’.21 The
standard form of the formula has the structure:
Nsw bity
Ir.n.f m mnw.f/mnw n it.f
Irt.n.f
Ir.f n.f di anx or ir.n n.f sA Ra.22
In Serabit el-Khadim inscriptions, the formula
ir.n.f m mnw.f appeared in IS67, IS89, IS95, IS116,
IS123, IS128, IS131, IS200, IS210, IS277 (West
Face), and IS314.
Composition and dedication list
Generally,
the
dedication
formula
demonstrates a list of endowments or
achievements that the king had fulfilled for
the sake of the divinity, such as the erection of
obelisks. It is understood that mnw is to be as ‘the
enduring’ achievement through which the king
fulfills his kingly duty. However, in Serabit elKhadim inscriptions, the list of achievements was
neglected. The form was briefed as follows:

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The Serabit el-Khadim Inscriptions

Nsw bity ir.n.f m mnw.f n it.f God X or Nswt
bity ir.n.f m mnw.f n God X.
King of Lower and Upper Egypt, he made
monuments for his father god X, or (for his
father).
On the other hand, the verb rdi was
coordinated with mnw in the context of the
dedication formula. The IS131 mentions the
formula as following: di.f m mnw.f n @wt-@r nbt
mfkAt,23 he gave monuments to Hathor, lady of
turquoise which ignores an extensive list between
di and m mnw.f.24

4. The formula
Dww Hr sSmt r ntt im n Nswt bity Ny-MAat-Ra sanx Dt
di.sn n.f st Xr ‘The hills lead to that which is in them,
they bring to light what is within them.
It repeats commonly in Serabit el-Khadim
inscriptions, where it occurs in IS53, IS106, IS110,
Is114, 124B, IS137 (W.F.), IS146 (South edge),
IS196, and IS413.25
Composition
Generally, this formula demonstrates the
sentiments and wishes expressed by the expedition
members to easily find what they search for. In
Ancient Egypt, the extraction of metals was
considered a divine delivery or donation. For
example, Hathor addresses her speech to the king
‘I (Hathor) give you the two cliffs which give you
the divine minerals, as it is the most marvelous
thing to see’.26 Therefore, the divinities, assisted
this extraction in order to be purified, fed, and
protected against the bad and evil things. Also,
to be conveyed some sort of joy, even through
the minerals offering or by some products
made of these minerals, that recall their colors.

Issue No.6

(Aufrère 1991, 20). These joys were related with
some stones (Hb, Hkn, mfk, xsbD, tHn). Besides,
these minerals have a purification role, even by
the immersing in water, which flows from the
divinities statue; or by fumigation constituting
a pleasant perfume to the gods. These minerals
could play either a defensive role (the green and
blue stones) or an offensive role (the red stones).27
This leads us to shed light on the commemorative
formula concerned with the opening of the
gallery.

The commemorative formula
Htt nxbt n rx nsw mAa mry.f hs(y).f ‘A gallery X opened
by the true royal acquaintance, beloved of his praise’
This formula commemorates the opening of
a new gallery, where those mining activities will be
included. This formula occurs in Serabit el-Khadim
in IS47, IS48, IS49, IS51, and IS56. However, before
moving to the opening process, the expedition should
get the permission of the divinity dominating the
region, i.e. Hathor. This permission or excuse could
be obtained by retroceding the mined minerals, or
praising the divinity, or performing a special cult
celebrating the opening ceremony.28

The formula

i anxw ‘O Living’

The i anxw ‘O Living’ formula is a development
for the potency of the verbal word in the funerary
ritual. The deceased was, somehow, doubtful to
receive all the offerings he needed, therefore he
could appeal to a passerby to recite the formula for
him. A typical example of such an appeal reads:

i anxw iit.sn r st tn pH.tn
m Htp D xA m t Hnqt kAw Apdw Ss ‘O you who live

47

Ahmed Mansour

upon the earth, who shall pass by this tomb, who may
return home in peace, and who shall say a thousand
loaves and beer, oxen, geese and clothes … etc.’29
More and more, the i anxw formula was developed to
be ‘Breath of the Mouth’. In this formula, the deceased
assures the living that nothing is asked more than a
verbal prayer. The composition of this formula is the
same as the i anxw formula, but adds: ‘please offer to
me from what is in your hand, but if there is nothing
in your hands, you need only to say with your mouth:
‘A thousand loaves and beer, oxen and geese … etc.’30
In Serabit el-Khadim inscription, the i anxw
formula is attested in IS53, IS106, IS118, IS136,
IS142, IS167, IS169, IS401 and IS409. IS401 dates
back to the Middle Kingdom, and it reads: ‘O you
living who may come to this place, may you reach (home)
in peace, and say: Thousand of breads and beer, oxenflesh and geese, alabaster and cloths…..’.31 However, the
relevance of such a broad undifferentiated concept of
cultural propaganda is undeniable, but its analytical
usefulness is questionable, since it means little more
than the texts are a part of the system of signs that
constitute a given culture.32

The formula
mAa Hm n Ntr pn (title=Sps) r int aAtt Spst n Hm.f ‘The
Majesty of this god sent the X to bring precious stone
for his majesty’.

Composition
It begins with an epithet ‘mAa Hm’, followed
by the genitive n ntr pn, then it is followed by the
titles of the person who was sent by the king. The
formula was ended by the objective that should be
fulfilled, i.e. r int aAtt Spst n Hm.f ‘to bring precious
stone for his majesty’.

48

The person in charge
Usually, the person designated by the king
to fulfill such a mission was the god’s treasurer.33
In IS86, IS90, IS141, the god’s treasurer was
mentioned followed by his titles, such as the
leader of recruits, courtier of the Great House,
leader of gangs, the intendant.34

Conclusion
The Serabit el-Khadim inscriptions included
the same formulas and royal protocols mentioned
in similar mining texts; nevertheless, some formulas
were more frequent with some variations to befit the
mentality of the ancient Egyptian miners who crossed
the desert in unusual conditions aiming at mining
turquoise in Serabit el-Khadim plateau. I tried to
shed light on the most frequent formulas, in order to
show the ability of the ancient Egyptian miners to
adapt the religious and commemorative formulas in
a different context.
The majority of the previously mentioned
formulas appeared during the Middle Kingdom, a
period that witnessed an intensive mining activity. The
total number of inscriptions containing the mentioned
formulas are 81, of which 59 inscriptions date back
to the Middle Kingdom, with a percentage of 73%.
This number attests an intensive mining activity of the
Middle Kingdom rulers after a long interruption period.
Moreover, the extent number of mining expeditions,
attested by the large number of inscriptions, may
refer to the peaceful situation between Egypt and
their neighbors. In addition, 20 inscriptions date back
to the reign of Amenemhet III (in this study only),
with a percentage of approximately 25% of the total
inscriptions, a number reflects that Amenemhet III
was less warlike than his father.

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The Serabit el-Khadim Inscriptions

The inscriptions devoted to Hathor at Serabit elKhadim are formulaic. They described her as overseer
of mining activities, ensuring the safe return home of
Formula
@tp di nsw

dit iAw n kA

ir.n.f m mn it.f

an expedition, and the successful opening of a mine.35
(IS28), 79-80 (IS53), 90-91 (IS83).

Translation
‘An offering that the king gives’

IS No.
Writing (a) IS84, IS93, IS94
(fragment c), IS103, IS112 (N Edge),
IS114, IS118, IS121, IS122 (offering
table), IS122
(EF), IS166, and IS408.

Writing (b) IS235, IS401, IS421 and
423
‘Offering praises and prayers for IS114, IS136, IS247, IS250, IS259,
the kA of ’
IS303
‘What he made as his monuments IS67, IS89, IS95, IS116, IS123,
for his (father)’
IS128, IS131, IS200, IS210, IS277
(WF), IS314

Dww Hr sSmt r ntt im n nswt bity ‘The hills lead to that which is in IS53, IS106, IS110, Is114, 124B,
ny mAat Ra sanx Dt di.sn n.f st Xr them, they bring to light what is IS137 (WF), IS146 (South edge),
IS196, IS413
st-Hr.f m ddw n.f it.f Itn / Dww Hr within them’
sSmt r ntt im sHD.sn imnt imyt.sn
Dww xAswt Xr Awt.sn
Htt nxbt n rx nsw

‘A gallery X opened up by the true IS47, IS48, IS49, IS51, IS56
royal acquaintance’

IS53, IS106, IS118, IS136, IS142,
IS167, IS169, IS401, IS409.
mAa Hm n ntr pn (title) r int aAt ‘The majesty of this god sent the IS86, IS90, IS116, IS141, IS246
X to bring precious stone for his
Spst n Hm.f
majesty’.
i anxw

Issue No.6

‘O Living’

49

Ahmed Mansour

notes

1

15 Vernus Quirke (ed.) Middle Kingdom Studies, 151.

WF = West Face.

16 Smither, JEA 25, 34.

EF = East Face.

17 Vernus Quirke (ed.) Middle Kingdom Studies, 151.

IS = Gardiner, et al., The Inscriptions of Sinai II Vols.
(London, 1955).

18 Bennett, JEA 27, 77.

J. Vercoutter, ‘Les Minéraux dans la Naissance des
Civilisations de la Vallée du Nil’, in P. Der Manuelian
(ed.) Studies in Honor of William Kelly Simpson, Vol. 2
(Boston, 1996), 811.

19 S. Tawfik, ‘ir.en.ef em menu.ef als Weihformel: Gebrauch
und Bedeutung’, MDAIK 27 (1971), 227-234.
20 Redford (ed.), The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt,
Vol. 1.
21 E.W. Castle, ‘The dedication formula ir.n.f m mnw.f’,
JEA 79 (1993), 120.

2

R. Forbes, Studies in ancient technology, Vol. VII (Leiden,
1996), 106.

3

R. Hölzl, ‘Stelae’, in D. Redford (ed.), The Oxford
Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, Vol. 3 (Oxford, 2001), 319.

4

G. Pinch, Votive offerings to Hathor (Oxford, 1993), 98.

24 Castle, JEA 79, 108.

5

D. Franke, ‘Middle Kingdom offering formulas’, JEA 89
(2003), 53.

6

Franke, JEA 89, 49.

25 K.J. Seyfried, ‘Beiträge zu den Expeditionen des Mittleren
Reiches in die Ost-Wüste, Hildesheimer Aegyptologische
Beiträge’, HAB 15 (1981), 238.

7

J. Leprohon, ‘Offering Formula and lists’, in D. Redford
(ed.), The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, Vol. 2
(Oxford, 2001), 570.

26 S. Aufrère, ‘L’univers minéral dans la pensée égyptienne’,
BdE 105 (Cairo, 1991), 13.
27 Aufrère, BdE 105 , 22.

8

A. Gardiner, et al., The inscriptions of Sinai II (London,
1955), 172; Pinch, Votive offerings to Hathor, 99.

28 Aufrère, BdE 105 , 59.

9

Pinch, Votive Offerings to Hathor, 99.

10 S. Mahfouz, ‘A-t-il existé une voie de communication
entre le Ouadi Gaouasis et les sites miniers du Sud
Sinaï ?’, Abgadiyat 3 (2008), 48-50.
11 Franke, JEA 89, 54; J. Bennett, ‘Growth of the Htp di nsw
formula in the Middle Kingdom’, JEA 27 (1941), 79.
12 Pinch, Votive Offerings to Hathor, 100.
13 P. Vernus ‘Sur les graphies de la formule “L’offrande que
donne le roi” au moyen empire et la deuxième periode
intermédiaire’, in S. Quirke (ed.) Middle Kingdom Studies
(1991), 141.
14 P.C. Smither, ‘The writing of Htp di nsw in the Middle
and New Kingdoms’, JEA 25 (1939), No. 1, 37.

50

22 Castle, JEA 79, 120.
23 Gardiner, et al., The inscriptions of Sinai II, 128.

29 Leprohon, in Redford (ed.), The Oxford Encyclopedia of
Ancient Egypt, Vol. 2, 571; R. Giveon, ‘Investigation in
the Egyptian mining centre in Sinai’, Tel Aviv 1 (1974),
105.
30 Leprohon, in Redford (ed.), The Oxford Encyclopedia of
Ancient Egypt, Vol. 2, 571
31 Gardiner, et al., The inscriptions of Sinai II, 204.
32 S. Greenblatt, Renaissance self-fashioning from more to
Shakespeare (Chicago, 1980), 4-5.
33 Seyfried, HAB 15, 221.
34 Gardiner, et al., The inscriptions of Sinai II, 97, 140.
35 Gardiner, et al., The inscriptions of Sinai II, 39, 69.

Abgadiyat 2011